Summary — what happened
On September 30, 2025, the San Diego County Board of Supervisors created an Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Sustainable Fiscal Planning, co-chaired by Supervisors Terra Lawson-Remer and Monica Montgomery Steppe DB. By the time Voice of San Diego requested its agendas and minutes in late January 2026, none had been produced; the Union-Tribune described the panel as one that "operates out of view of the public" UT-2026-01-28 VOSD-2026-03. In that window the subcommittee posted a $320,000 contract for polling, focus groups, and economic analysis to test a county-led sales-tax measure — a contract that drew exactly one bidder, Ironwood Public Affairs, led by Victor Aviña, a county Board of Supervisors staffer from 2015 to 2020 UT-2026-01-15. On December 18, 2025, four days before Christmas, the county posted a request for qualifications for a lobbyist with "vast political knowledge" to seek Sacramento authority to raise the real-estate transfer tax from $0.55 to $30.55 per $500 of value — a 55-fold increase the Union-Tribune calculated would add roughly $60,200 to the sale of a median (~$985,000) county home — with bids due in four days VOSD-2026-01 UT-2026-01-10. The RFQ was cancelled on January 7, 2026, after Supervisor Jim Desmond denounced it VOSD-2026-01.
On March 4, 2026, the Democratic majority authorized $56,000,000 from county reserves on a 3-2 procedural vote that the Union-Tribune reported requires only three votes instead of four; the paper wrote that "most spending originated from the subcommittee" — the same panel that had not posted agendas UT-2026-03. A parallel pattern shows at the public dais: a MathPolitics audit of Supervisor Steppe's 1,070 recorded votes from January 1, 2024 to March 4, 2026 found 1,059 YES (99.0%), 9 NO, and 2 absent, with no NO vote on any contract, single-source procurement, grant acceptance, budget appropriation, or labor agreement DB. On March 24, 2026, a resolution by Supervisors Joel Anderson and Paloma Aguirre — who had launched a rival public-meeting subcommittee on March 18 — was placed on the Board agenda to require ad hoc subcommittees to post agendas, keep minutes, and meet in public VOSD-2026-03. Inferred: the records describe one governing body operating through a public dais, a non-public subcommittee, and a discretionary grant channel — a structural characterization of how decisions were sited, not a legal finding and not an allegation that any specific vote or contract was unlawful.
Timeline
D4 grants leave the roll call. Following a procedural maneuver, District 4 Neighborhood Reinvestment Program (~$2,000,000/year) and Community Enhancement Program (~$1,000,000/year) allocations begin to be administered without a Board roll-call vote — roughly $3,000,000/year routed through the supervisor's office without a publicly counted vote.
The dais audit window. MathPolitics audits every recorded vote cast by Supervisor Steppe in this period: 1,070 votes — 1,059 YES (99.0%), 9 NO (0.84%), 2 absent. None of the 9 NO votes are on contracts, single-source procurements, grant acceptances, budget appropriations, or labor agreements; the county approved 35 single-source or A-87 procurement-waiver contracts in the period without a dissenting vote from the majority coalition. All 9 NO votes are on Republican-coded resolutions (voter ID, sanctuary-policy repeal, gas-tax opposition, involuntary-commitment ballot measure, battery-storage siting, and similar).
The lone NO. On the 2025 sanctuary-policy repeal (BOS-25-115), Lawson-Remer abstains and Steppe becomes the sole recorded NO — the only meaningfully solitary NO in the audit window. Eight of the nine NO votes are 3-2 bloc votes alongside Lawson-Remer and Aguirre.
The "small transfer fee" framing. In her State of the County address, Lawson-Remer publicly frames a transfer-tax idea as a "small transfer fee on the top one percent." (The RFQ posted eight months later asks for authority across the entire transfer-tax base — see 2025-12-18.)
The subcommittee is created. The Board votes to create the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Sustainable Fiscal Planning, co-chaired by Lawson-Remer and Montgomery Steppe.
The $320,000 polling contract. The subcommittee posts a multi-phase contract — economic analysis, polling, focus groups, a public town hall, and a presentation to supervisors in May — to test whether voters would back a county-led sales-tax hike. Budget: $320,000. Exactly one firm bids: Ironwood Public Affairs, led by Victor Aviña, a county Board of Supervisors staffer from 2015 to 2020. The team includes Amplify Campaigns (prior $383,000 county Sheriff jail-measure contract), FM3 (~$673,000 in county contracts since 2021; the Union-Tribune reported Lawson-Remer twice retained FM3 personally for budget and policy polling), Economic & Planning Systems, and the law firm Olson Remcho. Ironwood is directed not to lobby Sacramento.
The 55× lobbyist RFQ. Four days before Christmas, the county posts a request for qualifications for a contractor with "vast political knowledge" to lobby Sacramento for authority to raise the real-estate transfer tax from $0.55 to $30.55 per $500 of value — a 55-fold increase — and for authority to levy payroll taxes. Bids are due Monday, December 22; the contract is to begin January 1.
The RFQ is cancelled. The lobbyist solicitation is pulled after Supervisor Jim Desmond publicly denounces it. Lawson-Remer's office says the supervisor is "now more focused on other tactics," that any tax would still require voter approval, and that a "mansion tax" on $5–10M-plus properties "remains on the table."
The 55× math, flagged. Voice of San Diego reports the cancelled RFQ and the 55-fold scale of the proposed transfer-tax authority.
The home-by-home translation. The Union-Tribune calculates that on a median San Diego County home of roughly $985,000, the proposed authority would add approximately $60,200 to the cost of a sale.
"Out of view of the public.". The Union-Tribune describes the subcommittee as one that "operates out of view of the public," reporting that Voice of San Diego's late-January records request for agendas and minutes had not been fulfilled.
The $56M procedural vote. The Democratic majority authorizes $56,000,000 from county reserves — $24,000,000 for housing and social services, $8,800,000 for the Tijuana River sewage crisis, $23,000,000 for conservation and infrastructure (these three named categories sum to $55,800,000; the itemization is partial/rounded and does not fully reconcile to the $56,000,000 total) — on a 3-2 vote; Anderson and Desmond vote no. The Union-Tribune reports the majority used a procedural approach requiring only three votes instead of four, and that "most spending originated from the subcommittee." The county had $381,600,000 in reserves available and had already drawn $70,400,000 of the $95,400,000 its policy permits in a fiscal year. Anderson, in attributed quotation, called the maneuver "cooking the process" and the reserves a "slush fund."
The transparency push. Voice of San Diego reports on the secret subcommittees and that Supervisor Anderson is seeking a March 24 vote to require public agendas, minutes, and recordings; the county had not produced agendas or minutes for any of three ongoing ad-hoc subcommittees VOSD requested records for.
The rival public panel. Anderson and Aguirre's counter-panel — a "Fiscal Transparency & Accountability" subcommittee — holds its first meeting at the County Administration Center, with recordings.
The transparency vote. A resolution to require ad hoc subcommittees to post agendas, keep minutes, and meet publicly is placed on the Board agenda.
The Brown Act question
The legal designation determines the rules. Under California's Brown Act, Government Code § 54952(b) defines a "standing committee" of a legislative body as one with either continuing subject-matter jurisdiction or a meeting schedule fixed by formal action; a standing committee must post an agenda at least 72 hours in advance (§ 54954.2) and permit public comment on each item (§ 54954.3(a)). A purely ad hoc panel — no continuing jurisdiction, no fixed schedule — is not bound by those rules. DB
Two newsrooms (Voice of San Diego and the Union-Tribune), a sitting supervisor (Anderson), and a published statutory analysis have raised whether the Sustainable Fiscal Planning Subcommittee, by its operating profile, falls on the standing-committee side of that line. The factors cited: it was created by a formal Board vote; it has continuing subject-matter jurisdiction over fiscal policy; it has met regularly since October 2025; and it has hired consultants on multi-phase contracts, including the $320,000 polling contract. DB UT-2026-01-28 VOSD-2026-03
Inferred: whether these factors make the panel a "standing committee" subject to public-meeting rules is a contested legal question — raised by the press and an analysis, not adjudicated by any court or the Attorney General. This brief does not claim a violation occurred.
The consulting team and its prior county work
All entries reported by the Union-Tribune, January 14, 2026. UT-2026-01-15
| Firm | Role | Prior county work |
|---|---|---|
| Ironwood Public Affairs | Lead contractor | Principal Victor Aviña — ex-county Board of Supervisors staffer 2015–2020 |
| Amplify Campaigns | Public engagement | $383,000 Sheriff jail-measure contract; worked for Aguirre and Stephan campaigns |
| FM3 | Polling | ~$673,000 in county contracts since 2021; Lawson-Remer twice retained personally for budget/policy polling |
| Economic & Planning Systems | Economic analysis | — |
| Olson Remcho | Legal counsel | — |
Key players
- Monica Montgomery Steppe — County Supervisor (District 4); co-chair of the Sustainable Fiscal Planning Subcommittee; 99.0% YES rate across 1,070 recorded dais votes in the audit window.
- Terra Lawson-Remer — County Supervisor; co-chair of the subcommittee; framed the transfer-tax idea as a "small transfer fee on the top one percent" and personally retained polling firm FM3 twice.
- Joel Anderson — County Supervisor; called the reserves maneuver "cooking the process" and a "slush fund"; sponsor of the March 24 transparency resolution and co-founder of the rival public subcommittee.
- Paloma Aguirre — County Supervisor; co-founder with Anderson of the rival "Fiscal Transparency & Accountability" subcommittee that met in public on March 18.
- Jim Desmond — County Supervisor; publicly denounced the lobbyist RFQ, which was cancelled the following day.
- Victor Aviña — Principal of Ironwood Public Affairs, the sole bidder on the $320,000 contract; county Board of Supervisors staffer 2015–2020.
Caveats
- No Brown Act violation has been adjudicated. The legal question of whether the subcommittee is a "standing committee" subject to public-meeting rules has been raised by two newsrooms, a sitting supervisor, and a published statutory analysis, but has not been put before a court or the Attorney General.
- The single-bidder fact is documented; this brief does not claim Ironwood was selected for political reasons. The bid drew exactly one response.
- The cancelled lobbyist RFQ was pulled before any contract was signed; this brief states what the RFQ asked for, not that it proves intent.
- The 55× / $60,200 figures are the Union-Tribune's calculation, applied to a median (~$985,000) home; they are a projection of the proposed authority, not an enacted tax.
- The "most spending originated from the subcommittee" characterization is the Union-Tribune's phrasing, attributed; this brief does not claim Steppe directed any specific line item.
- The vote audit (1,070 votes; 99.0% YES), the three-channel "two-room" / discretionary-grant structure, and the ~$3,000,000/year D4 grant figure are from MathPolitics internal research (cited DB); the discretionary-grant channel is the subject of a forthcoming part and no recipients are named here.
- The ~$8 billion annual-spending figure is public framing (county adopted budget), not an item in the MathPolitics database.
- The "three rooms / one architecture" reading is a structural characterization of the reviewed records, flagged as inference — not a legal finding and not an allegation of illegality.
Reference key
- VOSD-2026-01 Voice of San Diego, "County Halts Request for Lobbyists to Lay Groundwork for Tax Hikes," 2026-01-08. https://voiceofsandiego.org/2026/01/08/county-halts-request-for-lobbyists-to-lay-groundwork-for-tax-hikes/
- UT-2026-01-10 San Diego Union-Tribune, "San Diego County wanted new powers over real estate taxes — now it's pulled the plug on that effort" (draft contract revealed 55× transfer-tax hike plan), 2026-01-10. https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2026/01/09/san-diego-county-wanted-new-powers-over-real-estate-taxes-now-its-pulled-the-plug-on-that-effort/
- UT-2026-01-15 San Diego Union-Tribune, "Would voters back a county-led sales tax hike? San Diego County just hired these political consultants to find out" ($320K Ironwood contract, sole bidder), 2026-01-15. https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2026/01/14/would-voters-back-a-county-led-sales-tax-hike-san-diego-county-just-hired-these-political-consultants-to-find-out/
- UT-2026-01-28 San Diego Union-Tribune, "Throw out fax machines and desk phones: Supervisors sacrifice old tech ahead of looming sales-tax hike" (subcommittee "operates out of view of the public"), 2026-01-28. https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2026/01/28/throw-out-fax-machines-and-desk-phones-supervisors-sacrifice-old-tech-ahead-of-looming-sales-tax-hike/
- UT-2026-03 San Diego Union-Tribune, "Anderson calls reserves spending a 'slush fund' as Democrats OK $56M in county contractor and sewage spending," 2026-03-04. https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2026/03/03/months-after-tapping-reserves-for-bonuses-supervisors-ok-spending-56m-on-county-contractors-sewage-crisis/
- VOSD-2026-03 Voice of San Diego, "County Supervisor Wants to Shine Spotlight on Secret Subcommittees" (Lawson-Remer/Montgomery Steppe fiscal panel met without public agendas or minutes; March 24 transparency vote; rival subcommittee), 2026-03-09. https://voiceofsandiego.org/2026/03/09/county-supervisor-wants-to-shine-spotlight-on-secret-subcommittees/
- DB MathPolitics database connection/evidence IDs as cited in the full report: connection 3068 (subcommittee creation, co-chairs, Brown Act statutory factors) and evidence 24420 / 24421 / 24422 (Steppe vote audit, vote-bloc pattern, and discretionary-grant scope — MathPolitics internal research, no public URL). → view in evidence search
Report #123 · The Steppe Files, Part 1 · condensed AI fact sheet. Chronological; every claim cited; inferences flagged. Source: full report 123-the-secret-subcommittee.md.
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