CASE FILE #206·THE SANCHEZ FILES·COLLECTING
collecting drafting submitted
The Sanchez Files

The Sanchez Donor-Vote Record

AI Fact Sheet
Total money traced
$8,000
San Diego · public-record filings
Condensed AI fact sheet · The Sanchez Files, Part 1. Built from MathPolitics story threads 110 / 114 / 116. Chronological; every claim cited; inferences flagged.
Built on public records
Documented fact — traces to a filed public record.
Inference — a reading of the record, not a legal finding.
Scope
$8,000

California Assemblymember Kate Sanchez (R, AD-71 — Riverside/Orange suburbs: Murrieta, Wildomar, Lake Elsinore, Trabuco Canyon, Rancho Santa Margarita), seated 2022-12-05; her campaign-finance footprint and recorded votes, ~2022–2026. Documented donor dollars by channel: HJTA Small Contributor Committee $8,000; California Chamber of Commerce PAC $8,500; oil/gas + investor-owned utilities $74,200; dialysis duopoly (DaVita + Fresenius) $60,200; Western Manufactured Housing Association PAC $50,500 cumulative; American Ground Transportation (AGT) $17,700 plus Konstantinos Roditis personally $9,800 (= $27,500 combined). These are aggregated Cal-Access receipts. Nothing here is alleged to be illegal, and no quid pro quo is alleged; the point of the brief is the documented correlation between identifiable donor channels and Sanchez's recorded votes. CA-2022 CA-2024 CA-2026 DB

Summary — what happened

Kate Sanchez is one of the small Republican minority in the California Assembly, seated in December 2022. Her donor base concentrates in a handful of identifiable industries, and across the channels where both the money and the roll-calls are documented, her recorded votes line up with the donor industry's public position. On tax policy she sits as Vice Chair of Revenue & Taxation, took $8,000 from the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association's committee, won an HJTA PAC endorsement, and voted NO on every HJTA-opposed bill with a surviving roll-call — a 100% alignment score on CalMatters' independent aggregate. CA-2024 CA-2026 CalMatters DB On business policy she took $8,500 from the CalChamber PAC, scores 100% CalChamber alignment, and a primary-source audit of the official legislative roll-call tables shows she voted NO on all 14 "Job Killer" bills that reached a body she sits in — yet CalChamber never endorsed her, the conspicuous asymmetry in her record. leginfo-JK CalMatters DB On energy she took $74,200 from six out-of-district oil, gas, and utility donors (none with operations in her district), scores 2% with California Environmental Voters, voted NO on five industry-opposed energy bills in 2023–24, then voted AYE on the industry-favored 2025 deregulation omnibus SB 237 — the documented flip. CalMatters leginfo-SB237 DB On housing, a 13-for-13 audit of the bulk roll-call dataset shows she voted NO on every tenant/mobilehome-resident protection and AYE on every park-owner-friendly bill in 2023–24, against the backdrop of $50,500 from the Western Manufactured Housing PAC. leginfo-WMA DB On tribal gaming the documented pattern is a strategic No-Vote-Recorded on the one contested tribal-gaming bill in the record (AB 341, early in her tenure) but AYE on the subsequent pro-sovereignty compact-ratification and tribe-favored bills. leginfo-AB341 leginfo-AB1389 DB And her stated 2022 employer — American Ground Transportation, controlled by Reform California vice-chair Konstantinos Roditis — was also her single largest 2022 donor; AGT's only known corporate political giving in California went to just two recipients, the state GOP and Sanchez. F700-2022 SOS-Biz DB

Inferred: the across-the-board pattern — that her vote posture tracks each donor industry's position — is a correlation the public record documents; reading it as causation (that the money produced the votes) is an inference, not a legal finding, and no quid pro quo is alleged. Most of the bills she voted on are caucus-line GOP votes, so partisan ideology is an alternative explanation for much of the alignment.

Timeline

2005-02-22 SOS-BizF700-2022

AGT incorporated. American Ground Transportation Incorporated registers in California (Orange, CA), agent for service Konstantinos Roditis. Sanchez would later list it as her employer, where she was Vice President, on her 2022 Form 700.

2022 cycle DBSOS-Biz

The employer-donor. AGT gives $17,700 (14 transactions) to Sanchez for Assembly 2022 — her #1 single donor — and Konstantinos Roditis personally adds $9,800 (3 transactions); a third Roditis (Savvas) adds $1,000. AGT's only known corporate political giving in Cal-Access is to the California Republican Party and to Sanchez. (Roditis — Reform California vice-chair, a 3-time GOP candidate.)

2022-12-05 CalMatters

Seated. Sanchez takes office in AD-71.

2023-03-21 leginfo-AB742

AB 742 (Jackson), NO. In Assembly Public Safety, Sanchez votes NO on restricting police canines (committee passed 6-2); PORAC, CCPOA, and the police chiefs opposed the bill. (Police/public-safety — vote alignment; no donor-dollar total is documented for police unions.)

2023-03-27 leginfo-SBX1-2DB

SBX1-2 (Skinner), NO. On the Assembly floor she votes NO on the refinery maximum-gross-margin / Petroleum Market Oversight bill — her first major oil/gas vote, roughly three months into her term, and an industry-opposed measure. (Oil/gas — see the $74,200 pipeline.)

2023-05-15 leginfo-AB341DB

AB 341 (Ramos), No Vote Recorded. On the AB 341 concurrence vote (a tribal-gaming-related measure), Sanchez is recorded NVR (No Vote Recorded) — the one tribal-gaming-relevant bill in the record where she did not vote AYE.

Inferredthe absence reads as avoidance on a contested gaming vote rather than a recorded position — a characterization, not a legal finding. (Tribal gaming — vote pattern only; no donor-dollar total is documented for tribal gaming.)

AB 1228 (Holden), NO; AB 9 (Muratsuchi), NO in committee. She votes NO in Approps on the Fast Food Council / sector minimum wage (a CalChamber "Job Killer"), and NO in committee on the cap-and-trade Job Killer AB 9. (CalChamber — part of the 14-for-14 Job Killer record.)

2023-05-18 leginfo-AB28

AB 28 (Gabriel), NO. In Appropriations she votes NO on the 11% firearms/ammunition excise tax (HJTA-opposed; enacted Ch. 231).

2023 (multiple floor dates) leginfo-WMA

The housing block. Across 2023, Sanchez votes NO on the tenant/mobilehome protections: AB 12 (security-deposit cap, NO 2023-09-13), AB 1620 (disability mobility accommodation, NO 2023-09-11), AB 318 (Mobilehome Residency Law Protection, NO), AB 604 (mobilehome water charges, NO), SB 567 (no-fault just cause, NO). She votes AYE on park-owner-friendly AB 1334 and AB 319 (the latter sunsets inspector enforcement). (Western Manufactured Housing PAC — $50,500 cumulative.)

2023-09-01 / 2023-09-11 leginfo-SB553

SB 553 (Cortese), NO. She votes NO in Approps and on the floor on the workplace-violence-prevention mandate (enacted Ch. 289). (Business/labor mandate.)

2024 cycle DB

Industry money lands. Oil/gas + IOU donors give $48,000 (Phillips 66 $22,000, Sempra $11,000, Chevron $11,000, plus CRC, Aera PAC, WSPA PAC); dialysis gives $38,500 (Fresenius $16,500 + DaVita $16,500 + $5,500).

2024-04-17 leginfo-AB1932

AB 1932 (mortgage-interest deduction), NO. In Revenue & Taxation she votes NO on eliminating the second-home mortgage-interest deduction ($110M–$190M in new revenue per FTB; HJTA-opposed). Her cleanest tax-policy NO. (HJTA — 100% alignment, $8,000.)

2024-05-16 / 2024-05-22 leginfo-AB3233leginfo-AB2716

AB 3233 (Addis) NO, AB 2716 (Bryan) NO. She votes NO in Approps and on the floor on restoring local authority over oil/gas operations (AB 3233) and on the Baldwin Hills low-producing-well repair fund (AB 2716). She is not on Natural Resources or Utilities & Energy, so these are floor/Approps positions. (Oil/gas — CRC, the largest in-state low-production operator, gave $5,000 across cycles.)

2024-09-05 (chaptered) leginfo-AB1978

AB 1978 (Sanchez), authored. Her sideshow-vehicle-seizure-without-arrest bill is chaptered (Ch. 501, 2024-09-23) — pro-officer-discretion, the only enacted bill she had authored as of mid-2026.

2024-10-14 leginfo-ABX2-1DB

ABX2-1 (Petrie-Norris/Hart), NO. On the refinery-profit-cap concurrence she is recorded in the documented 16-vote NO bloc (the minority opposition). (Oil/gas — $74,200 pipeline.)

2024 (multiple floor dates) leginfo-WMA

The housing block continues. NO on AB 846 (rent increases, 2024-08-31), AB 2022 (mobilehome emergency preparedness, 2024-08-29), AB 2399 (MRL protection, 2024-05-02), SB 611 (residential fees/security, 2024-08-27); AYE on park-owner AB 2387 (2024-05-22). With 2023, this completes a 13-for-13 directional record.

2025–2026 (2026 cycle) DB

Anchor donors re-up. Chevron writes $11,800, Sempra $6,900, Phillips 66 $3,000, plus CRC and Marathon (oil/gas 2026-cycle total $26,200, all-cycle $74,200); DaVita writes $17,700 and Fresenius $4,000 (dialysis 2026-cycle $21,700, all-cycle $60,200); CalChamber PAC writes $4,500 (2026-03-06) and HJTA SCC $1,500 (2025-03-14).

AB 1389 (Ramos), AYE. She votes AYE in committee and on the floor (4/10/25) on tribal-state gaming-compact ratification — pure pro-sovereignty. With SB 549 (AYE ×3, pro-tribe vs. card clubs) and AB 831 (AYE ×4, sweepstakes crackdown), the post-2023 tribal record is consistently AYE. (Tribal gaming — vote pattern only.)

2025-06-03 leginfo-AB942

AB 942 (Calderon), NO. She votes NO on the electricity-climate-credit / NEM3 restriction bill — the one documented utility-favored measure she voted against, a misalignment with the Sempra/IOU donor stream, flagged here as an anomaly.

2025-09-13 leginfo-SB237

SB 237 (Grayson), AYE. On the oil/gas deregulation omnibus (Kern CEQA exemption, Reid-vapor suspension authority, dormant-pipeline restart; WSPA/CIPA/Marathon supported, Sierra Club opposed) she votes AYE — the flip from her 2023–24 NO votes, on the bill the industry wanted. (Oil/gas — the strongest "donor-funded, voted-with-industry" data point.)

2026 (committee roll-calls) leginfo-AB1768leginfo-AB1821

Tax votes continue. NO on AB 1768 (county sales-tax authority, HJTA-opposed, floor 5/14/26) and NO on AB 1821 (CPRA response-time amendment, HJTA-opposed, Judiciary 4/14/26, one of only two Republicans on the committee).

The donor-vote pipelines (thematic)

The same structure recurs across industries: industry money in, an industry-aligned vote record out — three legally distinct facts that look unrelated on any single filing.

  • HJTA / tax — $8,000, 100% alignment, endorsed (Tier 1). HJTA Small Contributor Committee gave $8,000 ($6,500 in the 2023 cycle, $1,500 on 2025-03-14); HJTA PAC endorsed her for 2024 Endorse-2024; CalMatters scores her 100% HJTA alignment; she sits as Vice Chair of Revenue & Taxation Cmte. Documented NO votes on HJTA-opposed bills: AB 1932, AB 1768, AB 1821, AB 28. DB CalMatters leginfo-AB1932
  • CalChamber / business — $8,500, 100% alignment, NOT endorsed (the asymmetry). ChamberPAC gave $8,500 across three cycles; CalMatters scores 100% CalChamber alignment; a primary-source audit of the bulk roll-call tables shows 14-for-14 NO on Job Killer bills (11 on the floor, 3 in committee), zero AYE. CalChamber is conspicuously absent from her 2024 endorsement page. Endorse-2024
    Inferredthe fund-but-don't-endorse pattern reads as Chamber wanting her votes without her movement-conservative branding — a characterization, not a finding. DB leginfo-JK CalMatters
  • Oil/gas + investor-owned utilities — $74,200, 2% Env Voters, the SB 237 flip (Tier 2). Six out-of-district donors (Phillips 66 $25,000 all-cycle, Sempra $17,900, Chevron $22,800, plus CRC, Aera PAC, WSPA PAC, Marathon); AD-71 has zero in-district oil/gas. CalMatters Env Voters score is 2% (a basket score across environmental bills, not isolated to oil/gas). Five-bill column: SBX1-2 NO, AB 3233 NO, AB 2716 NO, ABX2-1 NO, SB 237 AYE. One documented contra-vote: AB 942 NO. DB CalMatters leginfo-SB237
  • Dialysis duopoly — $60,200, positional only (Tier 3). DaVita and Fresenius (≈80% of US outpatient dialysis) gave $60,200 across 2024+2026; she sits on Assembly Health. No dialysis-specific bill with a recorded Sanchez vote has been identified; this pipeline is characterized as positional capture (industry funds the committee seat), not funded-for-a-specific-vote. DB
  • Mobilehome / Western Manufactured Housing — $50,500 cumulative, 13-for-13. Against the WMA PAC's $50,500, an exhaustive audit of the official bulk roll-call dataset shows 10-for-10 NO on tenant/mobilehome-resident protections and 3-for-3 AYE on park-owner-friendly bills in 2023–24. (Note: on AB 319 she voted AYE on the floor — that bill sunset inspector-enforcement, the park-owner-friendly side.) DB leginfo-WMA
  • Police / public safety — votes only. Documented NO votes aligned with police-union and gun-rights positions (AB 742, AB 28, SB 553) and her authored, police-supported AB 1978. No donor-dollar total for police unions is in evidence; none is stated here. leginfo-AB742 leginfo-AB1978
  • Tribal gaming — votes only. Documented pattern: NVR on the early contested card-club moratorium (AB 341, 2023-05-15), then AYE on every subsequent tribe-favored bill (SB 549, AB 831, AB 1389). No donor-dollar total for tribal gaming is in evidence; none is stated here. leginfo-AB341 leginfo-AB1389
  • Roditis / AGT — the employer-of-convenience. Her stated 2022 employer (AGT, Vice President per her 2022 Form 700) was her #1 2022 donor at $17,700; controller Konstantinos Roditis added $9,800 personally ($27,500 combined). AGT's only known corporate giving in California: the state GOP and Sanchez. Roditis is Reform California's vice-chair (the Carl DeMaio infrastructure) and a 3-time GOP candidate.
    Inferredthe concentration — a small company whose political giving runs to exactly two recipients, one of them its own VP-turned-candidate — fits an "employer of convenience" profile; that is a characterization of the filings, not a legal finding. F700-2022 DB SOS-Biz

Donor pipeline → vote alignment

IndustryDocumented donor totalEndorsementAlignment signalRoll-call record
HJTA / tax$8,000 (HJTA SCC)HJTA PAC, 2024100% (CalMatters)NO on AB 1932, AB 1768, AB 1821, AB 28
CalChamber / business$8,500 (ChamberPAC)None (asymmetry)100% (CalMatters)14-for-14 NO on Job Killer bills
Oil/gas + IOUs$74,200 (6 donors)None2% Env Voters (CalMatters)NO ×4 (2023–24); AYE SB 237 (2025); NO AB 942
Dialysis$60,200 (DaVita+Fresenius)NoneNo published scorecardNone identified (positional)
Mobilehome / WMA$50,500 (WMA PAC)13-for-13 (10 NO / 3 AYE)
Police / public safetyNot documentedNO AB 742, AB 28, SB 553; authored AB 1978
Tribal gamingNot documentedNVR AB 341; AYE SB 549, AB 831, AB 1389
AGT / Roditis (employer)$27,500 (AGT $17,700 + Roditis $9,800)Reform California, 2024n/a (structural)n/a

Key players (callback index)

  • Kate Sanchez — Assemblymember, AD-71 (R), seated 2022-12-05; Vice Chair, Revenue & Taxation; member, Health, Judiciary, and Rules. The subject.
  • Konstantinos Roditis — controller and agent of AGT (Sanchez's stated 2022 employer and #1 donor); Reform California vice-chair; 3-time GOP candidate (Anaheim City Council 2008, State Controller 2018, BOE 2022). Personally gave Sanchez $9,800.
  • HJTA Small Contributor Committee — $8,000 donor; HJTA PAC endorsed her; the strongest single-industry alignment (Tier 1), overlaid on her Rev/Tax Vice Chair seat.
  • California Chamber of Commerce PAC (ChamberPAC) — $8,500 donor with 100% alignment and a 14-for-14 Job Killer NO record, but no endorsement — the conspicuous asymmetry.
  • Oil/gas + IOU donors (Phillips 66, Sempra, Chevron, CRC, Aera, WSPA, Marathon) — $74,200 from out-of-district industry PACs; the SB 237 AYE is the documented flip.
  • DaVita + Fresenius — the dialysis duopoly, $60,200; positional capture via her Health seat.
  • Western Manufactured Housing Association PAC — $50,500; the backdrop to the 13-for-13 housing record.

Caveats

Read this before quoting any figure
  • Aggregated receipts. All donor dollar figures are aggregated Cal-Access committee receipts (latest-amendment-wins logic), not itemized per-check, and may not capture every transaction.
  • Alignment scores are third-party. The 100% HJTA, 100% CalChamber, 2% Environmental Voters, and 0% Planned Parenthood figures are CalMatters Digital Democracy aggregates; the Env Voters 2% is a basket score across environmental bills, not isolated to oil/gas.
  • Correlation, not quid pro quo. The donor-to-vote pattern is documented correlation. No quid pro quo is alleged, no ethics body has ruled on it, and most votes are caucus-line GOP positions, so partisan ideology is an alternative explanation for much of the alignment. "Capture" and "employer of convenience" are characterizations of the filings, not legal findings.
  • NVR is absence, not a position. A No-Vote-Recorded (e.g., AB 341) is the absence of a recorded vote, not a recorded position for or against.
  • Police and tribal-gaming donor totals are excluded. The vote alignments for police/public-safety and tribal gaming are documented from roll-calls, but no donor-dollar totals for those two industries are in evidence, so none are stated. (Earlier thesis figures of "$124.7K" police and "$119.6K" tribal are not in the evidence record and are not used.)
  • Dialysis is positional only. No dialysis-specific bill with a recorded Sanchez vote has been identified; that pipeline is characterized as positional, not funded-for-a-vote.

Reference key

Condensed AI fact sheet · The Sanchez Files, Part 1. Built from MathPolitics story threads 110 / 114 / 116. Chronological; every claim cited; inferences flagged.

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